Since I last addressed a meeting of this kind on 26th August, many
things have happened in the country, some of them fraught with such
disturbing implications that I have decided that it was time we met
again in this forum.
As you will have observed, I have, in the light of the changing
situation, invited certain dignitaries, including representatives of
women's organizations and trade unions, to this meeting. I have done
this because it seems to me essential, more than ever before, that
all sections of the community should be aware of the position of the
country so that no one is left in doubt about its gravity.
In a situation such as we in this country are passing through at the
moment, it is all too easy for one side to point an accusing finger
at another, either in cheap self-glorification or in a plain attempt
to create mischief. But neither vanity nor mischief will get us
anywhere. I myself have hitherto refrained from blowing the
Midwest's trumpet because I did not think that this was the time to
score points and to pat ourselves on the back. The role of the
Midwest since the mutiny in the army on 29th July has, however, been
so distorted and misunderstood that I consider that it may do some
good if I now take this opportunity to disclose to the nation some
facts which may help to put matters in their true and proper
perspective.
I think that my other colleagues in the Supreme Military Council,
including the Supreme Commander himself, will bear me out when I say
that, without the fervent intervention by the Midwest, the country
would have remained without a central government much longer than it
did after the mutiny in the Army in July. The ensuing confusion
would have been much greater and the first hopeful strides then taken
towards a return to normalcy would have been impossible.
In my first public statement on the present situation in the country
on 3rd August I said, among other things: 'From the information at my
disposal it seems that most Midwesterners are giving serious thought
to the following questions: (a) are we to have a unitary state with
powers centralized at the national capital?; or (b) a federal state
with a strong central government and relatively weak regional (or
provincial) governments?; or (c) a loose federation with strong
regional (or provincial) governments and a relatively weak government
at the center responsible only for limited common services:; or (d)
should the country be broken up into several new and completely
independent states?
I endeavored in those words to echo the feelings of Midwesterners on
this country's renewed effort in constitution making. When the
Supreme Commander subsequently decided to set up an ad hoc committee
for this purpose, the committee's terms of reference as outlined by
him in his opening address on 12th September turned out to be
substantially the same as had been foreshadowed in my statement of
3rd August. The Midwest had again taken the initiative in the right
direction.
Even before that stage was reached, it is on record that it was the
Midwestern delegation at the talks in Lagos on 9th August which
proposed that, as a major step designed to prevent further bloodshed,
army officers and men should be temporarily posted to their Regions
of origin. That proposal has been partially implemented in the sense
that army units in two Regions at least now consist wholly of
personnel drawn from those Regions.
The Midwest has taken the steps described above, as well as others
which need not be recounted here, for the sole purpose of helping to
ensure that the crisis in the country is not permitted to get out of
hand and that passions are not unduly inflamed. Whatever our
detractors may think or say, I honestly believe that the Midwest is
pursuing the correct policies in connection with the crisis, in
conformity with its consistent policy of advocating what is right for
Nigeria.
It is true that recent events have taken a heavier toll of lives and
properties of persons from a particular Region. It is true also that
people of that Region as a whole have shown conspicuous restraint in
the face of reckless destruction of the lives and properties of their
kinsmen. Speaking for myself, and for other well meaning Nigerians,
they deserve nothing but praise for the calm they have, by and large,
demonstrated in the midst of fearful odds . . . .
Let me deal first with the question of federation.
In the early stages of the Conference, the Northern delegation
proposed that Nigeria should consist of a number of autonomous states
which would be the present Regions; that the new union of states
should have a central executive council, the chairmanship of which
should rotate from year to year; that the chairman should, during his
year of office, be regarded as the Head of State; that each state
should have its own Army, Air Force and Police; and that any member
state of the union should reserve the right to secede completely and
unilaterally.
The Eastern delegation proposed that there should be a central
authority for the present Region but that all legislation by the
central authority should be subject to ratification by the Regional
Governments before they become effective; that the central authority
should have an executive, the chairmanship of which should rotate
annually from Region to Region; that the chairman, during his term of
office, should be the Head of State; that members of the executive
should be paid by their Regions and subject to recall by them; that
each Region should keep its revenue and finance the central authority
by equal contributions; that each Region should have its own Army,
Air Force, Navy and Police; that the assets and liabilities of the
federation should be shared out among the Regions; that each Region
should issue its own currency notes and coins; and that each Region
should be free to secede from the association.
The Western and Lagos delegations proposed that if a true federation
according to a formula which would have produced eighteen states but
which would have left control of the armed forces with the states
were not created, then there should be a Commonwealth of Nigeria
consisting of the present Regions as states (Lagos being merged with
the West); that the Government of each state within the Commonwealth
of Nigeria should be completely sovereign in all matters excepting a
few which should be delegated to a Council of States; that each state
should establish and operate its own armed forces and police; that
the chairmanship of the Council should rotate from year to year among
th estates; that the chairman for the time being should be the Head
of State; that the national debt of the federation should become the
responsibility of the states on the basis of the location of the
projects in respect of which each debt had been incurred; and that
each state should have the right unilaterally to secede from the
Commonwealth at any time of its own choice.
In contrast to these proposals it was, and continues to be, the
position of the Midwest delegation that the causes of failure of
Nigeria's first experiment in democratic federal government were
numerous and varied and that the federation should continue whether
or not new states were created at this stage.
The Midwest delegation therefore stood unequivocally for federation,
and proposed that the form of association best suited for Nigeria was
one which must provide for the continuance of federation; for a
correction of past injustices; for the lowering of present tensions;
for the resolution of basic conflicts; the reconciliation of the
basic interests and the provision of the basic needs of the various
communities in the country; and for the assurance of democratic
liberties to the people; above all, that the new constitution must
provide expressly that there shall be no right of secession by any
Region . . . .
As regards the question of the creation of new Regions, there have
been exaggerated accounts as to the importance which this matter has
so far received in discussions at the Conference. The country should
be told that so far there has been no full scale discussion of this
subject at the Conference.
The attitude of the various delegations may be briefly stated as
follows: the Northern delegation has stated its belief in the
creation of new Regions in the country and suggested that the Supreme
Commander should appoint a special commission to ascertain the wishes
of the inhabitants of the areas concerned so that the creation of new
states is accomplished during the period of the Military Government.
The Eastern delegation has stated that it does not regard the
present as an opportune moment for the creation of new Regions and in
any case that this is a matter best left with the Regional
Governments.
The Western and Lagos delegations have suggested that if states were
to be created, the linguistic formula should be used in determining
eleven such states and the rest of the country divided into seven
other states.
The Midwest delegation has suggested that if new states were to be
created in Nigeria, six criteria should be applied, namely:
ethnic, linguistic and cultural affinity (e.g., Yoruba, Ibo); (2)
historical association (e.g.,
Hausa/Fulani, Efik/Ibibio); (3) viability, both of each state and of
the nation as a whole; (4) geographical contiguity (i.e. no Pakistans
in Nigeria separated by intervening states); (5) comparable
populations, so as to remove the fear of domination of smaller states
by larger states; (6) reciprocal self-determination (i.e. not only
should a minority have the right to determine its future, but also
that a majority must have the right to determine whether it is
willing to associate with a minority seeking such association).
Before the Conference adjourned on 3rd October for three weeks, to
resume on 24th October, the Northern, Western, Lagos and Midwest
delegations agreed that more states should be created in the country
and that there should be a plebiscite to determine the wishes of the
people concerned. The Eastern delegation then stated that it wished
to reserve its position on the matter.
It will be seen, therefore, that it is completely untrue either that
the Midwest delegation has based its whole approach to the Conference
on the creation of states or that the delegation has suggested that
certain elements in the Midwest should be transferred to other
Regions. The leader of the delegation will, I assume, have an
opportunity of reporting confidently to you at this meeting.
I believe that, both on the question of the survival of federation
and on the issue of the creation of new Regions, the stand of the
Midwest delegation has been realistic and objective. The Midwest
does not seek special credit for its contributions to the solution of
the country's problems, but I am certain that when the full story of
the Conference, or indeed when the full story of these anxious times
can be told, we will have no cause to regret the part which the
Midwest has played in the whole episode.
As you are all well aware, Midwesterners have been affected in large
numbers by the latest outbreak of disturbances in the Northern Region.
Many of them have been obliged to return to the Midwest and every
arrangements is being made for their reception and their comfort. A
committee, consisting of non-officials and some civil servants, has
been charged with the primary responsibility for taking care of the
persons involved, whom, for lack of a better expression, we now call
'refugees'. As they arrive they are provided, at Government's
expense, with transport to their homes and are encouraged to register
themselves at registration offices already established in the
respective divisional offices. They fall into four broad categories,
namely, (i) civil servants or quasi-civil servants (i.e. employees of
statutory boards and corporations); (ii) employees of commercial
firms; (iii) self-employed persons (e.g., traders and shopkeepers);
(iv) students and pupils.
I am in consultation with the Supreme Commander about the immediate
position of persons in the first two categories specified above and I
hope that it will be possible for him to announce shortly certain
arrangements intended to ensure that their emoluments will continue
to be paid by their respective employers until their future can be
better determined. As for persons in the third category, this is,
traders and shop-keepers, as well as similarly self-employed people,
it is proposed to work out a suitable scheme for them after full
information is available about them and the magnitude of the problem,
in so far as they are concerned, can be securely assessed.
With regards to students and pupils, action has been taken at once
to absorb the latter in several primary and secondary schools in the
Region. They are therefore able to continue with their schooling
without interruption. I am afraid that students, that is, those
pursuing courses at universities and other higher educational
institutions, are in a more difficult position, simply because of the
absence of any of such institutions in the Midwest. Nevertheless, I
will do my utmost to see that some satisfactory arrangements are made
for them as soon as possible. I assure them that their difficulties
are appreciated, that we sympathize very much with them and that the
Government will do all that lies in its power to see that their
studies are not too long interrupted.
I would like at this stage to mention the attitude of a particular
Region to the Midwest, which appears to me, putting it at its mildest,
to be unfriendly. If the problems now facing the Midwest were due
solely to the upheavals in the areas affected by the incident of 29th
July and by the latest disturbances in the Northern Region, I
personally and, I think, most Midwesterners would have understood the
position. But it is surprising, again putting it mildly, that, for
no apparently justifiable cause, a deliberate attempt has been made
to differentiate between those Midwesterners who are welcome in a
particular Region and those of them who are not welcome there.
It is clear that, for no good reason, that Region is determined to
interfere in the internal affairs of the Midwest in order, no doubt,
to divide our people and to cause confusion and unrest within our
Region. The campaign to this end is being persistently conducted not
only in the highest official quarters in that Region, as recent
official pronouncements emanating therefrom clearly show, but also
through the press and radio controlled by them . . . .
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentleman, if I have accurately judged the
essence and objectives of the present campaign of calumny and abuse
directed against the Midwest, I must say plainly that it is both ill-
conceived and futile. I believe that I speak for all Midwesterners
when I say that the Midwest is a political entity in its own right in
this country and that no self-respecting person in our community will
like to see this Region exist merely as an appendage of another
Region, devoid of any collective will of its own and incapable of
giving determined and unfettered expression to its will on any given
issue affecting its welfare in particular and the corporate existence
of the Federation of Nigeria as a whole. We must demand and exercise
the right to adopt, as we have hitherto done, an independent and
objective approach to this country's affairs and I hope that you will
make it clear before you rise that it is our determination to
continue to do so.
I wish I could reach a wider audience as the need arises. The
absence of the necessary facilities for doing so has never been so
keenly felt as after the incident of 29th July. I refer, of course,
to the absence of broadcasting facilities in this Region. Happily,
however, thanks to the former and the present Head of the Federal
Military Government, who have both taken a personal interest in the
matter, the Federal Government has now decided to establish a
broadcasting service . . . .
The Midwest does not intent to emulate the example of others and to
compulsorily eject anybody from its area of jurisdiction. We do not
intend to lose our heads, however depressing the general atmosphere
may be, and we will continue to contribute our fair share in the
search for sane decisions in the present anxious situation facing the
country as a whole. We have given no cause for alarm and I appeal to
you all, and through you to the wider communities outside this hall,
to remain as calm as we have hitherto been. The Midwest itself is a
miniature Nigeria and all Nigerians are welcome here as well as our
friends from abroad.
Thank you very much indeed.
Compiled by NOWAMAGBE AUSTIN OMOIGUI, MD
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