Security in Nigeria:
An overview of non-centralized East/West Niger Igbo
Governor of Enugu State
Contribution to the National Conference on Chieftaincy and
Security in Nigeria; dedicated to the fortieth anniversary of the
ascension to the throne of His Royal Highness.
the Emir of Kano, Alhaji (Dr.) Ado Bayero.
Murtala Muhammed Lihrary Complex.
Ahmadu Bello Way. Kano City
October 13, 2003
Pillars of National Social Order
the most interesting ways in which social
disruption is prevented... in Igbo society is
the belief ... about the causes of death and disaster"
M. M. Green
Long before this time, I have had the beckoning to grace this great city of Kano,
if only to once again behold the great historical significances upon which the
vast culture of rulership and cohesion has taken place for well over a thousand
Of course, Kano is a lure, an attraction and a compelling invitation to a trip
in history. It is a reminder of the greatness of our country, both in vast
material as well as abundant human resources. It is a pointer to the diffusion
of entrepreneurial potentials of every part of Nigeria and indeed among every
community of Nigerians.
Indeed, the cosmopolitan proficiency of Kano and the near polyglot status remain
remarkable indexes to measure its possibilities vis-à-vis, the boisterousness of
the people, who though are ruled by one of the longest monarchies in the land,
continue to reveal a certain class of dynamism and growth in all spheres of
Of course, it cannot be treated lightly that Kano, as a vastly significant
national territory remains one single international centre which has held
attractions for centuries of inter-continental initiatives in commerce,
diplomacy, territorial expansion, military enterprise and more. It therefore,
cannot be surprising that the anniversary of the Kano Monarchy decided to pursue
the course of honour through a broadening of knowledge as in this elaborate
seminar to mark forty years on the saddle. If this is not the first of its kind,
it is the first I have had the privilege of taking a part in. The gesture itself
is suggestive of intention to pursue that which outlives generations and which
will bring about an enhancement of the system.
Indeed, it is a commendable trip in statesmanship for the Monarchy in Kano to
seek to broaden the knowledge of the citizenry on such knotty issue as
chieftaincy and security. There is no contesting the fact that these are matters
demanding resolution but which must be treated with utmost care and maturity.
This is so because whereas it is easy to ascertain security roles for
chieftaincies in centralized politics in Nigeria, it is not that easy in such
diffuse polities where definite and irreversible class defining structures are
absent and where rank is not permanent as it is open to all.
And whereas it is easy to view centrality of authorities as running in tandem
with swift and more effective patterns of social coercion, the prevalence of
traditional order of consensus compel consultation in the less central polities,
revealing its own promises in presenting a local version of democracy which
would aid our joining the more global arena of pluralism.
To that effect, I consider the topic assigned me to divest in two main dominant
factors. One is chieftaincy while the other is security.
And for the typical non-centralized polity, it can, arguably, be
difficult to quickly situate the possibilities of a cohesive, non-coercive,
social control mechanism at confirmation, which is completely diffused,
non-centralized or even unknowingly democratic.
Postulations holding the possibilities of efficacy of single-source authority as
replicable scenarios in places as multifaceted as a majority of the Igbo areas
of Nigeria can even be contested, if perceived as incongruous. And for the
newcomer or visitor, it is certainly difficult to discern such factors of social
relations upon which a semblance of central frame for security is built.
Indeed, such visitor may not have had the right mind penetration or sufficient
observation to appreciate the dynamics, which keep the society running. He thus
may be circumscribed to pursuing an interpretation of the patterns of the
society on the outlines of centralized and charted incidences of statecraft. It
is even more complex for an observer who may not have trained his mind in the
observation of such evolutionary trends, some of which present diffusive
tendencies manifest in political incidents tending to multiplicity and
attenuation in potency. Consequently, a semblance of culture, to him erroneously
stands as one and the same, but in fact, the trends are vigorously disparate.
But in reality, African societies have witnessed their own fair share of
continuous changes, with each phase of development representing a temporary or
transient movement in the historical and dialectical continuum.
Lately, it has become necessary to compare societies, with reference to some
aspects or parts of the whole social system with reference, for example, to the
economic system, the political system, or even kinship patterns. In most cases,
sparing incidents or even accidents of history bring about very narrow
interpretations by a vocal few who mount a voluble but erroneous claim of
insight into the polity in question.
Political Systems, (1940), edited by M. Fortes and E.E. Evans-Pritchard, two
broad categories of polities are identified. One is the institutionalized
(centralized) political structure in which cleavages of wealth,
privilege and status correspond to the distribution of power and authority. The
other is the segmentary lineage system which lacks centralized
authority but, of course, wherein there are such systems where there are no
sharp or marked divisions of rank, status or wealth. The latter model has been
variously characterized as stateless or acephalous
societies. But instead of considering such non-centralized politics as
anarchical, we sometimes view them as chaotic and therefore
ungovernable. In a way, since such societies are not narrowed into a straight
rulership pattern, permitting unquestioning exploitation, they are termed
ungovernable. But, perhaps to avoid running away with the charge of being
impolitic, the conveners of this seminar, politely tagged such a societal
with political systems, we are inevitably dealing with the structures and
processes of the maintenance or establishment of social order within a
territorial unit. Centralized political systems had had to deal
with the issue of a centrally imposed social order through the
instrumentality of organized exercise of coercive authority by
means of the use, threat or the possibility of use, of physical force.
centralized traditional African political systems present little, difticulty in
this regard. The problematic, however, is in dealing with such multiplicity of
societies as the so-"stateless", "anarchic", or "acephalous" polities, which
obviously lack the capacity to impose social order by means of pretension to the
exercise of coercive authority, including threat or possibility of
use of physical force. This is especially so, considering that the absence of
coercive authority did not in any case eliminate altogether the
overwhelming potential for conflicts and disputes or the resolutions of these,
even in non-centralized polities.
In order to
put the issues in clear perspective, we have to establish here that the
challenge of the basic subject here is in matters of chieftaincy and
security while conceptual puzzles arise from issues of context
associated with stereotypes. These are "stateless", "acephalous",
In the words of Walter Rodney (1980), "… the word stateless is carelessly or
even abrasively used: but it does describe those peoples who had no machinery of
government coercion and no concept of a political unit wider than … the village.
After all, if there is no class stratification in a society, it follows that
there is no state because the state arose as an instrument to be used by a
particular class to control the rest of society in its own interests. Generally
speaking, one can consider the stateless societies as among the older forms of
socio-political organization in Africa, while the large states represented an
evolution away from communualism (non-centrality) - sometimes to the point of
feudalism (centralized monarchy)."
Elsewhere, 'acephalous," may be employed, in describing the political
structure in a simple society, such as a territorial community, which is united
by the rule of law, but lacking a distinct head, without a leader. It can also
be societies in which the largest political unit embraces a group of people, all
of whom are united to one another by kinship, in such a manner that political
relations are conterminous with kinship relations and the political structure
and kinship organization are completely fused.
societies in which a lineage structure is the framework of the political system
thereby being a precise co-ordination between two, in such a way that they are
consistent with each other, though each remains distinct and autonomous in its
Barclay (1982) characterizes "anarchical" or "anarchic" in the sense of
societies, which do not accept the idea of authority as natural. In fact, it
does not quite appear to occur to them. To that effect, "Anarchy is the
condition of society in which there is no ruler; a society without government
and without the state… it is interesting to note here the similarity between
anarchism and the segmentary lineage system characterized of many anarchic
polities, especially here in Africa. In both cases, the sum is composed of
segments and each segment of sub-segment. In both cases, the most effective
authority is in the smallest unit, decreasing directly as one ascends to broader
levels of integration".
anthropologists have, over the past several decades documented, through their
ethnographic research, innumerable stateless or acephalous societies throughout
the world and throughout time, this paper is not oblivious nevertheless of the
considerable reluctance to define these societies as pure anarchies. Even
amongst anthropologists, there are those so imbued with their own cultural
traditions that they will go to any length to avoid recognizing these systems
for what they. Since they contend that social order can exist only in a
situation of existence of state, government and law, they stretch the meaning,
nay significance of these terms to cover what is clearly not government or state
(1964) had remarked in this regard: "Even when the population is large,
relatively dense, and somewhat diversified, the absence of government does not
necessarily imply the presence of anarchy". By the same token, it has been
observed that, among students and historians alike, about the most firmly held
myth is the one that no society can exist, least of all function, without
government. Its mythical corollary is that every society must have a head, an
identifiable and visible one at that is also pandemic among the aforesaid group.
Thus, the myth of the necessity of the state and government continues to hold
decisively true for many. While this might seem inevitable in today's modern
world, there is no disputing the fact that the states and governments have not
always existed in such sense of pursuing absolute and definable centrality. In
most cases, there are many states that are, strictly speaking, products of
recent political history or results of colonial political engineering or
Onwuejogwu, the renowned Nigerian anthropologist, has questioned the
classification of certain traditional African societies as stateless, a position
he shares with scholars like Prof. Lambert Ejiofor and Ikenna Nzimiro.
contend, "suffice it to say at this juncture that there is a general
recognition in anthropological surveys of a complex web of social organizations
that fall short of states, and more particularly that were lacking in
centralized political authority patterns, pronounced social stratification and
advanced role differentiation. Disputes of intellectual nature could routinely
attend the criteria for the classification of these models but this in no way
vitiate the substantive defining characteristics of the system of social
organization that these represent."
They cannot be faulted in the ensuing truism of such defining characteristics
which include communal solidarity, collective action, horizontal political
structures placing premium on leadership instead of authority, absence of role
specialization or class differentiation, etc. It is our contention here that all
of these features or combination of same constitute a representative pattern
depicting organization and direction even as it never presented a scenario of
coercion or forcible pursuit of a one-sided view of governance.
Scattered throughout the
continent south of the Sahara, Harold Barclay (1982) argues, "are dozens of
anarchic societies, some of which are the most populous of all anarchic
communities". Among these are a variety of segmentary lineage systems that
are autonomous and self managing. Social order is imposed and maintained by
means of equivalence and opposition; a template of diffusion of power that
thrives on regulatory framework of diffuse sanctions.
An outline of a survey
of these polities yields the Anuak, Mandari, Dinka and Neur (in southern Sudan),
the Konkomba (northern Togo), the Lugbara (parts of Uganda and Congo DR), Shona
(Zimbabwe), the Tonga (Zambia), the Tallensi (Ghana), the Igbo, Tiv (Nigeria),
etc. The list is by no means exhaustive. And at the same time, anarchical.
The character of traditional Igbo social organization (west or east Niger) is a
highly contentious topic, and it will probably remain so for a long time to
come. Characterized variously as a model of "stateless" or "acephalous"
society, and at other times as a quintessential republican polity,
the structure of the Igbo political economy, in its intrinsic manifestation, is,
increasingly, being refracted as "anarchic" by social scientists. Not a few
historians and a sprinkle of anthropologists have continued to insist that
there, in fact, existed kingdoms in Igbo traditional setting.
The village - a commune of
sorts - provides the fulcrum of social existence and so underlines the context
of Igbo characteristic diffusion. Yes, the village delicately shapes the Igbo
worldview, interaction patterns and social relationships. The Igbo village
setting evinces a complex web of ties and bonds, of roles and responsibilities,
of complementarities and asymmetries, and of equivalence and opposition. It is
usually a tapestry of views, group and individual aspirations bending to the
yearnings of the community assembly - Oha na Eze. In this way, the
society continually strives towards ,equilibrium and consensus.
Lest we forget, the Igbo
traditional society was, at all material times, a living organism consisting of
individuals and groups, of segments of the extended family and the lineage.
Therefore, the diffuse way of living which we refer to here can actually be
located in the concrete realm: in the people's pronounced sense of social
equality; in the prevalence of horizontal political organization that emphasized
leadership in contradistinction to a vertical, hierarchical and centralized
political structure which emphasized authority; in the unstructured, bonding
together of the village, the lineage and the extended family which spontaneously
expresses itself in collective action, solidarity and diffusion of social
But whereas this formed
the socio-political configuration of a great bulk of the Igbo world, centrality
of administration was a reality and indeed prevalent in some noted Igbo
Among these were the Umuezechima group of clans of western 1gbo or what Ejiofor
dubbed "Umuezechima Kingdoms", in addition to the so-called "four Niger States"
elaborated in Prof. lkenna Nzimiro's Studies in Igbo Political Systems (1972).
The nine village kingdoms of the Umuezechima clan include "Onicha Ugbo, Onicha
Ukwu, Onicha Olona, Obior, Obomkpa, Ezi, Issele-Ukwu, Issele-Azagba, and
Issele-Mkpituime. Nzimiro's four Niger States consisted of Oguta, Onitsha,
Ossomari and Aboh. Other parts of the traditional Igbo society that established
the equivalent of "village kingdoms" were Nri, Arochukwu (East Niger) and Asaba
and Agbor (West Niger).
Ejiofor therefore argued, "The traditional Igbo systems may be divided into
two major types, namely, the democratic and monarchical", He continued:
"west of the Niger, village kingdoms are the rule rather than the exception in
Igbo communities". Furthermore, he observed that even the democratic model
did have chiefs, but quickly added, "they were at best symbolic heads of
village groups … and their primacy was honorific rather than jurisdictional".
Of this class of chiefs, G. I. Jones noted (in 1950) thus:
"…chiefs of the type envisaged … as "strong chiefs" (except) with a few
exceptions (did) not exist in this region. The people who are usually referred
to as chiefs, and there can be any number of them today, have no executive,
judicial or legislative powers vested solely in their office".
Chief Obafemi Awolowo
similarly observed that "save in very few places there were no natural rulers
in Eastern Nigeria of the stature and jurisdiction of those in the North, West,
or Midwest" (Benin areas).
But Lugard "manufactured" them as wealthy and influential persons were
made "natural rulers" by warrant. On his appointment, a warrant chief became the
paramount for a specified area, enjoying the same authority and privileges
subject to the same limitations as a natural ruler in the North or West or
Midwest. Even this daring innovation succeeded for well over a decade.
For the purposes of a holistic perspective to the contending issues, I wish to
call attention at this juncture to Prof, Onwuejogwu's seminal thoughts in this
regard which led him to classify the political system of the Igbo Culture Area
into three broad categories, namely, the centralized, gerontocratic and
consensus or non-centralized models.
According to this
classification, the centralized model is characterized by segmentary lineages,
theocratic or secular kingship, less differentiated Ozo or Eze title system and
age grades and associations, which could be located in Nri, Onitsha, Aboh,
Ogwashi-Uku, Issele-Uku, Oguta, Agbor and Arochukwu.
The characteristics of the gerontocratic model include segmentary lineages,
chiefship or headship and sometimes, hyper-gerontocracy, less differentiated Ozo
or Eze title system, hyper-age grades with key examples as Ibagwani, Ibusa, Illa,
Okpanam, Asaba etc. The non-centralized model with Owerri, Mbaise and Ngwa as
classical examples contains features such as segmentary lineages, age-grades,
undifferentiated Ozo or Eze title system, councils and associations. These wield
sound social muscles which when applied can exert maximum weight and compel
alteration or proper conditioning of the individual and group.
dynamic as the evolutionary trend of Igbo social control mechanism is, the
archetypal political system retains a strong element of the segmentary lineage
system, which is known as "Umunna", which in extension is as politically potent
as it is corrective of deviance.
The principal elements in
the comparative differentiation of political systems in traditional societies
arc the degree of specialization in roles that enter into the political and
administrative spheres, the number of structural levels at which authority is
exercised in addition to the context and changing patterns of the social
relationship between those who exercise authority -be it horizontal or vertical
-and the rest over whom authority is exercised.
It is by appreciating that social diffusion with its inherent
non-centrality of features, that we can begin to come to terms with the
fact that although some Igbo communities had managed to construct centralized,
monarchical systems prior to the earliest contact with the white man, on the
aggregate, such communities constituted a minority, albeit a significant one at
Invariably, not one of these communities or kingdoms managed to make the vital
transition from communalism to full-blown centrality. We speak of
centrality in this sense as a specific mode of statecraft, as well
as a system of social organization, including the control of deviant behaviours.
The point can hardly be overstated that the period of transition from diffuse
social system to a level of centrality in those African societies
that managed to advance beyond non-centrality was one of state formation.
The roles of institutions such as the village general assembly, with the village
square (Obodo) as chambers, the age grade society, coupled with those of the
daughters' assembly (Umuada), the masquerade society, the secret society
and the Ozo title society were intertwined, complementary and inevitably
mutually reinforced each other. Their essence and vitality lay in their
functionality, reverence and sheer effectiveness in achieving social cohesion
and broad consensus. In many cases, they served the diplomatic roles and
effectively broke deadlocks for the society to move forward. In some other
cases, they interpret the norms of the society and cry for enforcement of social
control to terminate deviancy. In fact, security in the typical Igbo setting is
matter for social control and reordering.
In each case of course, each village was autonomous and managed its own affairs
in spheres as diverse as religion, festivals, medicare, administration of
justice, exercise of sanctions, etc.
Inter-village relations were characterized by the formation of federations of
two or more villages especially in times of war. The extended family system
provided a second-tier thread that held component units of the village together,
enabling them to share and fend for one another in both good and difficult
The question now is this: In the event that it was largely democratic, it was
completely consensus, it was never centered on any powerful monarch, how would
such threatening social conducts such as crime and other deviant acts be
According to Prof. Richard
Okafor, social control can hardly ever come to fruition in Igboland if it is a
business of an individual. It comes from established elements of culture, which
"protect precious tenets of the social environment from erosion or
degradation." And paradoxically, though every Igbo community possesses
highly individualized citizenry, the aggregate life is fully shaped according to
the cherished traditions, hallowed secrets and revered institutions that
usually ensure that any member who violate any of them is severely punished.
The yam thief is a yam thief, it does not matter who his kith and kin are, he
must be exiled. The murderer has murdered a life and must, as determined by the
degree of crime, face death or be exiled.
The most potent of Igbo
social control systems, which also underlined appropriate security measures, is
the age-old pattern of stigmatizing crime or any other deviant behaviour. In the
sub-cultures along the Anambra River, Ojebeogene, Ugwunye and Ezedike clans in
northern Igboland, it is common to stigmatize crime by smear public parade (inya
ncha or ire unvi) forced on culprits. In the case of a thief, he is hoisted with
the stolen item and paraded through the village square where every person, in
passing or on invitation, inflicts his/her own form of insult to the culprit.
For such deviant behaviours as immorality, infidelity of the wife (mind you,
never of the husband), abortion, adultery, etc, it is usually made public by
specialist minstrels who mock by mimicking such obscene conduct in socially
In the various okumkpo festival scenes in Afikpo, they move
in a conscious, planned, exaggerated manner, saying unorthodox things; acting
differently than they do, and lampooning miscreants and other deviants.
That way, such culprits are thoroughly discredited and stigmatized to the extent
that they may even leave the community for a long period of time. In some cases
as in some northern Igboland, these are never said directly but insinuated in
ways that stigmatize families and kindred. Such may compel a family or kindred
to force or arrange safe passage of the culprit into exile.
Indeed, the potency of social stigma is such in Igbo world that families and
kindred can pledge away any item, including precious land, to stave off the
stigma, if possible.
Where there is any semblance of central authority, its job is made easier by
this but such personages who are of elevated social ranks in the land also pass
through the same beam of the searchlight of probity and are brought through the
same trial if found wanting.
The fact of Igbo justice system being a leveler rides the belief that laws are
derived from God (divine) and before God, all men are equal. As pointed out by
Okafor, F .U., such belief formed the bases for consolidation of the diffuse
system, which prevented an undertaking of such phenomenal structuring of the
society for the benefit of some privileged persons. Perhaps, such supremacy of
divine laws over man-made laws actually sustained long adherence to what is
adjudged right for the benefit of long-held traditions.
In reality, attendant upon
the fact of Igbo laws being effective instrument of social harmony, moral
rectitude and political order, natural laws, some of which are considered divine
injunctions, form the most potent foundation for well being as they further
underline the elements of characteristics of man-made laws such as
reasonableness, common good, sufficiency, legitimacy and harmony with
consolidates the security of the society where the rules arc made and known and
where deviance is interpreted as a burden of family and kindred. And although
the societal assembly (Oha Obodo), in the case of the whole community or ama/ogbe
in the case of village wards) may represent a variegation of interests and
competitive factors, the possibility of positions running counter to divine laws
stands as checks or restraints to would-be dominators. This prevents the
emergence of a one-sided pursuit or centrality of order of enactments, which can
confer undue privileges and create avenues for the subversion of the society.
Indeed, Ndigbo see any
form of pre-eminence in the village assembly as an unbridled outspokenness,
which must be checked to prevent tyranny. According to Victor Uchendu, "they
are jealous of their legislative authority and are not ready to surrender it to
a small group of individuals." To this effect, they consider the
validity and security of their social environment on the strength of divine
inspiration (not just the view of man) in the making of the laws, which informs
the pattern of proclaiming a law with the ofo (signifying
uprightness) depicting that every contribution and indeed the law, have been
reached according to the custom of the land. It is like an oath to uphold the
laws of the land and never to be a part of any form of subversion.
But whereas we can say that these sustained the primordial polities, what
obtains at the moment is at best an admixture of the old values and new ways,
most of which confuse the modern man and induce excuses for violation of the
laws. Colonialism and indeed, post colonial African polities, appeared confused
about what should constitute their social evolution and political order as in
rising to the challenges of complex security questions negating modern
mechanisms for restraining of the unbridled quest.
In the case of the modern Igbo societies, what with the multiplicity of
chieftaincies, the negation of the age-old social order which effectively
informed character and decency, has expectedly set the stage for an exercise of
such looming communality affirmation I which checkmated unbridled individual
To worsen matters, the stage set by Lugard himself, as in appointing paramount
chiefs just among the rich and influential without regard to community feeling
or preference, seriously removed any form of credibility that would have been
due some of such emerging chieftaincies. In some cases actually, Lugard just
appointed such oppressive middle men either involved in the hateful slave
dealing regime or the down-pricing of produces of which they (the middle men)
But if we excuse Lugard on grounds of ignorance, (and for the fact that his
indirect rule system collapsed there in his face), the manner of appointing some
of the chieftaincies by successive indigenous administrations seriously altered
community prestige and stabilizing institutions. It has even been worsened by
the failure of a majority of these chiefs to appreciate their own peculiar
social environment. They rather sought an invention of the pomp and grandeur of
the empire situations in Oyo, Sokoto, Kano, Benin and Borno, by initiating and
indeed undertaking expensive ceremonies as a replication of age-old panoplies.
This done in total
negation of the true age-old Igbo political and social scenario described by
Isichei. "One of the things that struck the first western visitors to
Igboland", observed the historian," was the extent to which
democracy was truly practiced". According to her, "an early
visitor to a Niger Igbo town said that he felt he was in a free land, among a
free people". Elsewhere, another French visitor observed of the people
that indeed true liberty existed in Igboland, although its name was not
inscribed in any monument.
So, whereas it was true
that the institutions of the old order sustained the socio-political order of
that era, particularly with due respect to the belief system ordaining ceaseless
morality and rectitude, the current regime of social order faces credibility
i account of rejection of such restraining elements of i the social environment
which attenuated excessive assertiveness. In fact, it is in this area of
excessive assertiveness, as pointed out by Emenne, that a vitiation of the
fabric of social order was regrettably consummated.
But all is not lost. The
chieftaincies have shown remarkable abilities in building welters of information
network for government, such that security can be easily guaranteed with
movements and peculiar conducts duly interpreted by the chieftains. This is even
enhanced by the emergence of a new and wealthy chieftaincy class with
backgrounds in academics, business, professions, law, medicine and the other
callings, who are capable of situating their social environments to suit
national security arrangements.
But in the event that it is finally appreciated that the various chieftaincies
have imbibed what it would take to achieve social order, the deciding question
now is on the extent the nation state can tolerate the national variety as to
accommodate distinct polities in security of the societies. If that is done, and
if it is pursued, bearing in mind that most of security issues rested on local
factors the fabric of which is defined in locality context, the reversal of
trends in deviant behaviours would have been reached and for which we declare,
as usual, in Enugu State:
To God be the Glory.
I. M. Fortes and E.E. Evans Pritchard (eds.), African Political Systems,
(London: Oxford University Press, 1940).
2. David Gurien, Anarchism: From Theory to Practice, (New York:
Monthly Review Press, 1970).
3. Harold Barclay, People Without Government, (London: Kahn &
4. Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, (Enugu: Fourth
Dimension Publishers, 1982).
5. Sam Mbah and I. E. Igarwey, African Anarchism, (Arizona: See
Sharp Press, 1997).
6. Adiele Afigbo, Ropes of Sand (Nsukka University Press, 1981).
7. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Ideology for Nigeria, (Lagos: Macmillan. 1980).
8. Isichie Elizabeth, A History of the Igbo People, (London:
9. Lambert Ejiofor, Igbo Kingdoms (Onitsha: African Publishers,
10. Ugo Magazine, November 1979, published by the Information
Unit, Cabinet Office, Enugu
11. Dike, Paul Chike: Igbo Traditional Social Control and Sanctions,
Ministry of Information and Culture; Owerri, 1986.
12. Onugaotu Colloquium: Igbo Jurisprudence: Law and Order in Traditional
Igbo Society; Ahiajoku Lecture Notes, Owerri, 1986.
13. Okafor, F.U: Igbo Philosophy of Law; Fourth Dimension Co. Ltd;
14. Ahiajoku Lecture Colloquium: The Igbo Socio-political System,
Ministry of Information, Owerri. 1985.
15. Ebigbo, Christopher: Igbo Lost World; Iguaro Igbo Heritage
Lecture, Ezu Books, Enugu, 2002